So, before we get into the birthday cake and independence speeches, let���s walk through some of the rules and legal frameworks that have managed to survive 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s journey from colony to republic, military rule to democracy, and landlines to smartphones.

Punishment for attempting suicide

For years, 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s criminal laws have treated an attempt to take one���s own life as an . The provision sits in the , while similar provisions exist under the applicable in parts of Northern Nigeria. It is a striking example of how an old legal approach can remain in place even as the society around it changes.

On August 19, 2026, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved a proposed to the National Mental Health Act to remove criminal penalties for attempted suicide. Health Minister Muhammad Ali Pate said the proposed would replace punishment with treatment, protection and support. The government also acknowledged that attempted suicide remains an offence under provisions from the colonial-era Criminal Code and Penal Code.

And on September 10, 2026, the Federal Government that it was taking further steps to decriminalise attempted suicide following FEC���s approval in August. 

The argument for changing the law is fairly straightforward. Someone experiencing a mental health crisis who survives an attempt can end up dealing with the police and the criminal justice system on top of whatever pushed them to that point. The proposed amendment still has to go through the National Assembly, so the law has not disappeared yet. But the fact that the government is now seeking to remove the offence says something about how dramatically attitudes towards mental health and suicide have changed since those provisions were created.

If poverty is a crime

Then there are the dealing with people described as ���idle and disorderly��� or ���rogues and vagabonds���. And no, these are not referring to thugs or agberos. 

These provisions are contained in , with covering a range of conduct including wandering, loitering, and other behaviours considered capable of causing a breach of the peace.

On paper, such provisions may sound like ordinary public-order rules. In practice, legal commentators have long raised about the discretion they give law enforcement officers and the way petty-offence laws can affect people who are homeless, unemployed or otherwise living on the margins of society. A 2017 Guardian of 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s petty-offence regime noted that jurists had criticised the laws for exposing poor people to exploitation and unnecessary contact with the criminal justice system.

The problem is historical. Vagrancy laws of this kind have in British law, including England���s . Nigeria inherited the legal tradition and retained parts of it after independence. Legal scholars have since that provisions built around concepts such as the ���idle person��� and ���vagabond��� have little place in a modern criminal justice system and should be abolished or substantially reworked.

Come to think of it, a law that was once designed to control movement and public order can have a very different meaning in a country where millions of people work informally, move between cities looking for jobs, and live without the sort of fixed address that the old legal imagination appears to assume.

48-year-old Land Use Act

Not every outdated framework came directly from colonial rule. Some are products of independent 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s own history, including the

The law changed land by vesting all land in each state in the governor, to be held in trust for the people. It was during the military era to bring greater control and uniformity to 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s complicated land tenure system. Nearly five decades later, however, the system remains a source of for property owners, developers, farmers and ordinary Nigerians trying to obtain legal title to land.

The is not difficult to find. In March 2025, Vice-President Kashim Shettima said the 48-year-old Act was due for , acknowledging that while it had shaped land administration for decades, it had also contributed to systemic problems that needed to be addressed.

Housing and property experts have also to the slow process of obtaining titles and the difficulty of converting property into usable economic assets. Some have described the Act as obsolete, while others have called for a of the way land is administered.

For Nigerians who have ever spent months chasing a Certificate of Occupancy, obtaining consent, or moving from one government office to another just to establish what they already believe they own, this is probably one of the easier examples to understand.油

The country has expanded its cities, increased in population, and has a wider property market and larger economy, but land paperwork has struggled to keep pace.

The 1999 Constitution

The Constitution presents a slightly different problem because it is not an old colonial document. The came into force at the end of military rule and has governed since May 29, 1999. Yet the arguments around its structure and origins are as clear as day.

For years, critics have it as a military-era constitution imposed on Nigerians without sufficient popular participation. Former Head of State Abdulsalami Abubakar against that description in June 2026, saying that about 95 per cent of the document was derived from the 1979 Constitution, drafted by civilian legal experts. He said the 1999 Constitution was after a committee headed by Justice Niki Tobi found broad support for the 1979 Constitution with amendments.

That does not settle the argument of whether the constitutional structure works well for Nigeria. Scholars and constitutional reform advocates have raised concerns about the at the centre, the between the federal and state governments, the and the the document. Those debates have produced repeated calls for restructuring, constitutional amendments or an entirely new constitutional settlement.

The document has also been several times since 1999, with the last amendment coming into effect on December 29, 2005. 

This series of amendment processes is a reminder that constitutions are not supposed to be museum pieces. The difficult part is agreeing on what should change and getting enough political actors across the federation to agree to change it.

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Despite new laws, still the same old police 

Nigeria’s policing system carries an even longer history. The Nigeria Police Force , and the remained part of the legal history of the force for decades. A major eventually arrived with the , which repealed the Police Act 2004.

The reform did not end there. In April 2026, the Federal Government new Nigeria Police Regulations after years of recognising that parts of the existing regulations had been overtaken by changes in policing, technology and society. The Ministry of Police Affairs further said the 2026 regulations were intended to outdated provisions and bring police operations into line with the Police Act 2020 and democratic policing principles.

Yet the structure of policing remains one of 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s longest-running . Nigeria still operates a , while advocates of state police have that policing closer to communities could improve local intelligence and responsiveness. 

That means the legal reform conversation has moved from simply replacing old police regulations to asking a much larger question about how policing itself should be organised in a federation of more than 200 million people.

Your workplace laws might be obsolete 

鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s , remains the country���s major legislation on factory safety, health and welfare. But lawmakers have been pushing to replace it, with the sponsor of a 2025 Occupational Health and Safety Bill that the framework has roots in the colonial industrial era and no longer adequately reflects modern workplaces.

Tax law has gone through a similar overhaul. enacted in 2025 replaced and consolidated several older statutes, with the government saying the reforms would simplify tax administration. 

The legal profession is another example. In 2025, President Bola Tinubu a bill to the National Assembly seeking to scrap the Legal Practitioners Act. The existing Act was originally , even though the current statute is cited as the 2004 version.

These reforms show that several laws governing Nigerians are being reconsidered because they no longer fit the country���s current realities. As the country changes, its laws have to change with it.

What happens now?

Nigeria cannot continue to leave its old laws to gather dust. The , formed in 1979, is the institution expected to go through the country���s laws, spot the ones that have become obsolete or no longer reflect modern realities, and recommend what should be changed or scrapped.

On Wednesday, August 13, 2025, the Commission���s chairman, Prof. Dakas C.J. Dakas, said the Commission would identify obsolete laws for reform because many of those still on 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s books date back to the colonial period.

And there is quite a bit to look through. Laws, unlike milk, do not come with an expiry date printed on the packet. So some of them can sit quietly in the statute book for years, even decades, long after the country they were written for has changed completely.

Nigeria at 66 has changed plenty. We have moved from colonial administration to independence, military rule to democracy, landlines to smartphones, paper files to AI, and an economy that keeps inventing new ways to surprise everybody. Some old laws have kept up, either because they still make sense or because they have been amended over time. Others, however, seem to have missed the memo that Nigeria has moved on.

The idea is pretty simple: laws should make sense for the people and the country they are meant to serve. If a law was written for a Nigeria that no longer exists, leaving it untouched can start to feel like trying to use your grandfather���s 1970s map to find your way around Lagos today. You might recognise some of the roads, but good luck with the rest. 

After 66 years of independence, revisiting the old laws on the books is part of keeping the legal system in step with the country itself. Nigeria has changed and can’t keep saying ���we move��� while still holding on to everything from the old era.

If it is ���1.63 trillion of public money, the questions would be considerably louder, right?

That is the amount of money now at the centre of an accountability dispute involving the (CBN), after the Auditor-General of the Federation, Shaakaa Kanyitor Chira, flagged trillions of naira in unrecovered loans and questioned the management of funds under several CBN intervention programmes. 

The findings are contained in Volume II of the Auditor-General���s 2023 on Non-Compliance-Internal Control Weakness, published on August 7, 2026, and they cover transactions and activities from January to December 2023. 

���1.63 trillion is a lot of money to throw into one paragraph, so let���s break it down.

States owe ���1.25 trillion 

The (SERAP), citing the Auditor-General���s findings, the CBN had failed to recover ���1.252 trillion in intervention loans granted to different state governments in 2023.

The total amount disbursed across the relevant was reportedly about ���1.814 trillion, of which roughly ���562.3 billion had been recovered by December 31, 2023. That left more than ���1.25 trillion . 

These were loans, so the issue is not that the government handed states free money and the money simply disappeared. The issue flagged by the audit is that a huge amount remained unrecovered.

The Auditor-General reportedly expressed concern that the funds could have been and recommended that the outstanding money be recovered and remitted to the treasury. 

These odd findings open the door to more questions: Which states received the money? How much did each state receive? What were the loans for? What were the repayment terms? When will they be fully repaid?

���116.18 billion for banks

The CBN also reportedly failed to recover ���116.18 billion in granted to distressed and liquidated banks.

The Auditor-General had the CBN did not provide its 2023 audited or draft financial statements, schedules of recoveries, and outstanding balances on these loans for the audit team to examine. The audit also raised that these funds could have been diverted. 

Again, this is public money.

And again, the question is not simply whether someone physically walked away with ���116 billion. It is whether the CBN can show who received the money, how much was disbursed, how much has been recovered, and what remains outstanding.

���262.86 billion for farmers

The third major figure is ���262.86 billion spent under the , which was designed to support farmers and food production. The Auditor-General reportedly the CBN failed to provide the list and number of beneficiaries and information on the programme’s impact for audit assessment. The audit also said some of the money remained with ���Anchors��� and warned that this could hamper the programme���s food-security objectives.油

Think about what that means. A government programme can spend hundreds of billions of naira to support farmers, but when auditors ask who benefited and what impact the programme had, the information available to them is apparently insufficient.

That is the kind of gap that makes accountability difficult.

Where’s the ���1.63 trillion?

The ���1.63 trillion is the combined figure from ���1.252 trillion in unrecovered state intervention loans, ���116.18 billion in unrecovered loans to distressed and liquidated banks, and ���262.86 billion under the Anchor Borrowers��� Programme. Together, they amount to roughly ���1.631 trillion. 

It does not mean the Auditor-General has established that ���1.63 trillion was stolen. What the audit findings establish is that these funds were unrecovered, insufficiently accounted for, or lacked information needed for proper audit assessment. 

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SERAP wants the CBN to open the books

SERAP’s September 26, 2026 letter asked the CBN to disclose the beneficiaries of the state intervention loans, the amounts they received, and the recovery measures taken.

For the Anchor Borrowers��� Programme, SERAP wants the names and number of beneficiaries and participating ���Anchors���, the amounts disbursed, how the money was used, the monitoring arrangements, and recovery measures. 

It has also called for an independent forensic reconciliation of the figures identified by the Auditor-General and wants any funds found to have been improperly lost or diverted recovered and returned to the treasury. 

The CBN has seven days to respond to the demand before SERAP says it will consider legal action. As of September 30, the latest reports available do not show a substantive public response from the CBN to the seven-day demand.

Wait, there’s more

Then there is a separate and potentially more serious issue.

SERAP is also asking the CBN to for $6.23 million reportedly spent following a purported request for election funding attributed to former President Muhammadu Buhari.

According to SERAP’s of the Auditor-General’s findings, the CBN’s internal audit said the money was spent based on the request, but the bank did not provide its investigation report to auditors for scrutiny and confirmation. 

The Auditor-General reportedly expressed concern that the funds may also have been lost and that the payments may have been fraudulent. 

If there���s one thing that should make taxpayers sit up, it���s the idea of public money taking a detour into election funding. Elections are political business; taxpayers��� money is, well, taxpayers��� money. 

So when $6.23 million allegedly leaves the CBN���s vaults in connection with an election-related request, Nigerians are allowed to ask why the public was the one picking up the tab. At the very least, there should be enough paperwork to answer this question without everyone suddenly playing hide-and-seek with the receipts.

The people should know how their money is spent

The CBN handles enormous sums of money, and its interventions can affect farmers, businesses, banks, and state governments.

That makes documentation more than bureaucratic paperwork. If billions are loaned to states, there should be records showing who received the money and whether it was repaid. If hundreds of billions are released for farmers, there should be a clear record of beneficiaries and measurable results.

And when auditors cannot get those records, Nigerians are left trying to reconstruct the journey of public money from audit reports, advocacy groups, and newspaper investigations.

The Auditor-General’s report does not answer every question about the ���1.63 trillion. Neither does SERAP’s letter. Those questions now require answers from the institution responsible for the transactions.

Because ���1.63 trillion and $6.23 million are too much money to disappear into the phrase ���intervention programmes��� and never be heard from again. It wouldn’t be proper.

The agency arrested ten people, including three Mexican nationals and a Nigerian who the agency identified as the alleged leader of the operation.

NDLEA said the laboratory had produced or was processing 2,419.48kg of methamphetamine, which it valued at about $362.9 million, equivalent to over ���480 billion on the international market.

On June 17, barely four weeks after the Abidagba forest arrest, the agency another laboratory in a forest in Tapa Village, Ibarapa North Local Government Area of Oyo State. NDLEA said the operation uncovered a sophisticated, industrial-scale facility containing , industrial catalysts and heavy-duty equipment. 

Five people were arrested, including a 56-year-old Mexican national, Jose Villa Ochoa,  whom the agency said had been brought into Nigeria to provide technical expertise for large-scale methamphetamine production.

These two discoveries are difficult to dismiss as isolated backyard operations. So we took a deep dive, and it appears the picture is becoming increasingly complicated. 

How did we get here? 

For decades, Nigeria’s place in the global drug trade has largely been understood through . Cocaine, heroin, cannabis, methamphetamine and pharmaceutical opioids have through the country, with some destined for Nigerian consumers and others continuing to markets across Africa, Europe and Asia. Nigeria’s large population, extensive road network, busy ports and airports, and its position in West Africa have made it an location for international trafficking networks.

Though Nigeria is still a and a major market for illicit drugs, the country has also been some of them for years. What has changed recently is the scale of some of the operations being , especially the of industrial-scale methamphetamine laboratories in Ogun and Oyo states within weeks of each other.

Nigeria has been producing drugs for years

It would be wrong to suggest that Nigerian drug production started with the two laboratories found this year. The country has had secret drug for more than a decade, particularly facilities producing methamphetamine.

Between January 2015 and December 2016, 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s National Drug Control Master Plan (NDCMP) five methamphetamine laboratories in Nigeria and noted that three of them had used ephedrine-based production methods. From June 2011 to March 2016, NAFDAC altogether. In May 2016, the agency eventually that Nigeria was becoming part of the West African methamphetamine production chain, with locally produced meth being trafficked to markets outside the region.

One of the most notable cases came in March 2016, when Nigerian authorities uncovered what was described as a ������ in Asaba, Delta State. The laboratory was reportedly capable of producing between 3,000kg and 4,000kg of methamphetamine per production cycle and was operated with the involvement of Mexican nationals. The discovery showed that Nigerian drug networks were capable of moving beyond simply importing and distributing finished products.

How is this happening?

There is a practical reason why local production changes the drug trade. When a criminal network imports a finished drug, it has to move that drug across an international border before it can reach its market. That creates several points where customs officers, police, anti-narcotics agencies and international partners can intercept it. A network that produces the drug inside the country removes one part of that journey.

It still needs chemicals, equipment, expertise and distribution networks, but the finished product does not have to cross Nigeria’s border before reaching Nigerian buyers or being moved onwards. That makes the discovery of laboratories important because it exposes an entire supply chain rather than a single consignment.

The Ogun case shows how sophisticated that supply chain can become. NDLEA’s noted that precursor chemicals were transported from Lagos to the laboratory in Mowe using vehicles linked to members of the syndicate. 

This shows that local production does not mean the drug trade has become entirely Nigerian. Criminal networks can local knowledge, local property and transportation with expertise and connections from outside the country.

The Oyo operation had a similar pattern. NDLEA said the Mexican suspect arrested there had been brought into Nigeria specifically to provide for large-scale methamphetamine production, while the four Nigerians arrested with him allegedly provided logistical support and handled local operations.

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Strange things in strange places 

NDLEA seizures regularly involve drugs concealed in things that would not immediately attract attention. In March, 2026, officers intercepted drugs hidden water-purifier machines shipped from Europe. In another case in July 2026, large quantities of tramadol and other controlled medicines were in a truck carrying building materials from Togo. The agency has also drugs hidden in vehicle compartments, parcels, and other commercial cargo.

The creativity is not limited to objects. Drug networks also exploit ordinary transportation systems and, in some cases, people who may not even know what they are carrying.

Where did the chemicals come from?

Producing synthetic drugs at this scale requires more than people who know how to mix chemicals. It requires access to , industrial equipment, storage facilities, transportation, and locations where the operation can remain hidden. But where do these chemicals come from? 

The NDLEA monitors controlled chemicals as part of its anti-drug operations. Its is responsible for activities including the identification and dismantling of clandestine laboratories and the monitoring of controlled chemicals that could be diverted for illicit production.

The recent laboratories show why that work matters, or at least, why it should matter. The Oyo facility large drums and containers of precursor chemicals, industrial catalysts, and equipment used in chemical processing. 

The Ogun investigation also a sizable stock of precursor chemicals. According to the filed against the suspects, investigators recovered hundreds of kilograms of toluene and hydrochloric acid, along with acetone, P2P and phenylacetic acid. 

For now, no one can explain how the chemicals got into the hands of the manufacturers.

Should we be worried?

The Ogun laboratory was found in Ijebu East. The Oyo laboratory was discovered in Ibarapa North. Both are in the South-West, and both facilities were hidden in forested areas where large-scale operations could remain out of sight.

On June 3, 2026, the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) described the Ogun discovery as , noting that the country is moving from being primarily a transit and consumer market towards becoming an important producer and exporter of synthetic drugs. ISS also highlighted the fact that the latest laboratory was located in a remote forest rather than the urban environments where some previous laboratories had been discovered.

It does not mean every forest community in the country is harbouring a drug laboratory. What it does point to is that law-enforcement agencies now have to look beyond the traditional locations associated with drug trafficking.

What Nigerians look forward to

For the NDLEA, that means dismantling a laboratory is only part of the job. The agency also has to trace where the chemicals came from, who financed the operation, who provided the technical expertise, how the finished product would have been distributed, and whether the network has other facilities operating elsewhere.

For Nigeria, it means the drug story is no longer only about what enters through the ports or what officers find hidden inside a bus. Some of the drugs being moved around the country may have started their journey in a Nigerian forest, produced by a network of experts who have learned how to manufacture them here.

Everything so far suggests law-enforcement agencies will have to keep watch on potential drug-producing forests closely.

Oluwatobi works from home, which requires a lot of electricity. So when the power supply becomes unreliable, he turns to a generator. The arrangement is already expensive, but it is one of the realities of trying to work in a country where electricity can disappear without warning.

The 28-year-old had travelled to stay with a friend for a few weeks in Ibadan, Oyo State. The electricity situation there was unstable, so the generator became more important. 

That Thursday, he went to a filling station with his friend, expecting to purchase the usual quantity of petrol. To his surprise, the money he had planned to spend could no longer buy the same quantity of fuel. What would previously have covered roughly ten litres now bought about half that quantity. The generator still needed fuel, but the money was no longer stretching as far.

For people who depend on generators to work, trade or run their homes, fuel hikes quickly reflect in their daily expenses. The cost of keeping the lights on begins to compete with food, transport, data, rent and other bills.

What���s going on?

Petrol prices have risen across several parts of Nigeria, with placing pump prices between ���1,400 and ���1,450 per litre in Lagos and Abuja. Some locations have recorded even higher prices. There were of ���1,500 per litre in Kano, Sokoto, and Borno, while Adamawa prices were around ���1,600 per litre.

The increase has been partly to higher international crude oil prices and adjustments in the price of petrol supplied by the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Premium Times that Dangote increased its petrol gantry price from ���1,265 to ���1,350 per litre, as global crude prices rose amid around the Middle East and the Strait of Hormuz.

The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), however, it does not determine the prices consumers see at filling stations.

In a issued on September 19, the NMDPRA cited Section 205(1) of the Petroleum Industry Act, which provides for the pricing of petroleum products under unrestricted free-market conditions. It said it does not fix pump prices or issue administrative pricing templates. Government intervention, according to the authority, is permitted only in exceptional circumstances involving a formally declared market failure.

That explanation may clarify the NMDPRA���s legal position, but it does little to change what consumers experience when they arrive at a filling station with the same amount of money and leave with less petrol.

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The regulator says it can still act

Although the NMDPRA says it cannot set pump prices, it maintains that deregulation does not give filling station operators permission to exploit consumers.

The authority it was strengthening collaboration with the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) to monitor price-gouging, collusion, under-dispensing and the sale of compromised petroleum products. It also mentioned cooperation with the Nigeria Customs Service and other security agencies to monitor border corridors and address the smuggling and illegal diversion of petroleum products.

The NMDPRA also it was creating dedicated reporting channels for consumers and industry stakeholders to report irregular pricing and other exploitative practices. Such complaints, it said, would be investigated and could lead to enforcement action.

This gives the NMDPRA a role in policing the market, even when it does not directly control the price. A station may be allowed to respond to market conditions, but issues such as under-dispensing, collusion and deceptive practices remain subject to regulation.

The challenge is whether these monitoring measures will be visible enough to consumers who are already paying more for petrol and receiving less value from their income.

The cost of running Nigeria keeps rising

Petrol is used to power generators, transport goods, move people, and support several small businesses. When its price rises, the effects can spread through the cost of transportation, logistics, food, and services.

For remote workers like Oluwatobi, fuel is part of the cost of earning an income. A power outage can mean starting a generator, buying petrol, and spending additional money to maintain a working environment. The expense becomes more difficult to manage when the price of petrol changes repeatedly.

Small businesses face a similar burden. A barber, tailor, food seller, content creator, or shop owner who depends on a generator may have to spend more on fuel or reduce the number of hours they operate. Some may transfer part of the cost to their customers, while others absorb it and take home less money.

The pressure also affects people who do not own generators. Higher fuel costs can increase transport fares and raise the cost of moving goods between markets, shops and homes. The impact is often felt in several places before consumers can identify where the increase began.

The NMDPRA���s position is that prices are determined by market forces. For consumers, the immediate reality is simpler: petrol costs more, household budgets are under greater pressure, and every trip to a filling station requires another calculation.

What happens now?

The federal government cannot simply stand aside and watch petrol prices climb while Nigerians are left to adjust their budgets again and again. The relevant agencies must bring oil marketers and other market players to the table, investigate exploitative practices and work towards measures that can prevent sudden, punishing price increases. Deregulation should not become an excuse for regulatory silence.

Nigerians are already paying more for food, transport, electricity and basic services. Every increase in petrol prices adds another weight to a household budget that is struggling to stay upright. If the trend continues unchecked, the cost of living may eventually kill the living.

And when that happens, perhaps Falz���s ���This Is Nigeria��� will no longer sound like a song describing the country. It will sound like a warning we heard, laughed about, and ignored.

That is the situation surrounding 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s National Cash Transfer Office (NCTO), after the Auditor-General for the Federation, Shaakaa Kanyitor Chira, about ���33.751 billion in electronic cash transfers made in 2023.

According to the 2024 Annual Report on Non-Compliance and Internal Control Weaknesses in Ministries, Departments and Agencies, the money was to 3,295,207 households and beneficiaries across 35 states. But the Auditor-General says the records available were not enough to verify the said payments.

Before we get into why any of this is a big deal, let’s start with what this cash transfer programme is actually supposed to do, and why anyone outside an accounting office should care.

The cash transfer programme

鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s National Cash Transfer Programme is part of the country���s for poor and vulnerable households.

The programme is by the National Cash Transfer Office, while the National Social Safety-Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO) supports the identification of eligible households through the National Social Register (NSR). According to the government, the programme identifies households through geographic and community-based targeting before including them in the register.

The idea is fairly simple. The government identifies households considered poor or vulnerable, and eligible beneficiaries receive direct financial assistance.

The programme has been operating since 2016 as part of 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s larger social safety-net system. The government its purpose is to provide regular financial support to poor and vulnerable households, alongside other forms of livelihood assistance.

In all of this, the National Social Register (NSR) is important because it is supposed to provide the database from which eligible households can be identified and supported. So, when billions of naira are subsequently transferred to people on that register, there should be enough records to trace the money from the government to the beneficiaries. And government agencies shouldn’t have to go back-and-forth on who was paid or where the money went. 

So what happened to the ���33.7 billion?

The 2024 report was submitted by the Auditor-General for the Federation to the Clerk of the National Assembly on July 17, 2026.

It said electronic transfers totalling ���33.751 billion were made to 3,295,207 households and beneficiaries in 2023, but problems started when auditors tried to balance the payments with the relevant beneficiary records.

According to the , payment vouchers did not contain sufficient information about the beneficiaries, while the NCTO did not provide the relevant REMITA statements that auditors said they needed to reconcile the payments with the NSR and National Beneficiary Register.

These findings do not mean the ���33.7 billion disappeared, nor does the audit itself establish that the government paid fake beneficiaries. But they reinforce the auditor-general���s claims that there simply isn���t enough evidence to independently verify the payments.

This should raise eyebrows because an audit query is essentially a request for an agency to account properly for public money. So, when you hear that the records are not complete, know that there’s fire on the mountain. 

���Calm down, Mr. Auditor��� ��� NCTO

The NCTO has the concern. In a statement made available to the press on September 9, the office said remittance records were sent to the auditors and explained that its payment records are maintained electronically.

This leaves an issue that should be resolved with documents rather than competing statements: the government should be able to show the records that establish who was paid, when they were paid, and how those payments correspond with the official beneficiary registers.

Why does the paperwork matter?

One, public money needs a trail. For a programme involving millions of beneficiaries, the system should make it possible to follow a payment from the government account to the beneficiary. It should also make it possible to identify errors, duplicate payments, ineligible beneficiaries, or cases where someone listed on the register did not receive the money.

Without reliable records, an auditor has a harder time determining whether the programme worked as intended. The cash-transfer programme is designed to support the country’s poorest and most vulnerable households. So, if a beneficiary receives the money, the records should show that. If a beneficiary doesn’t receive it, the same system should make that failure visible. The point of an audit is to make these things verifiable.

There is a lot of money involved

The ���33.751 billion in the Auditor-General’s finding is from 2023, but Nigeria’s cash-transfer system has continued to .

The current National Social Safety Net programme has been designed to provide support to millions of vulnerable Nigerians, and the government has continued to emphasise the use of beneficiary databases and identity verification in its social-protection programmes. 

NASSCO’s current system, for example, NSR records and National Identification Number (NIN) validation as part of efforts to improve the quality of beneficiary data.

The government has also announced larger cash-transfer initiatives in recent years. In April 2026, it to expand its 2023���2026 conditional cash-transfer programme from 9.2 million beneficiaries to 15 million Nigerians, with the government saying the payments would be tied to systems including NIN to improve transparency and integrity.

That makes proper record-keeping non-negotiable. As the number of beneficiaries and the amount of money moving through the system increase, weaknesses in verification and reconciliation can affect much more than one audit period.

What should happen now?

The Auditor-General’s finding needs to be resolved with evidence. The NCTO should provide the payment records, beneficiary information and reconciliation documents needed to establish how the ���33.751 billion was transferred. 

There is also a lesson here for Nigeria’s social-protection system. A cash-transfer programme depends heavily on accurate data, reliable payment systems and records that can withstand independent scrutiny.

A government agency cannot say millions of vulnerable Nigerians received billions of naira, while an auditor says the documents available don’t show that it’s true. Both statements have to be reconciled with the records being produced and verified. ���33.7 billion is too much public money to leave that uncertainty hanging. Nigerians should be able to see how the money moved, who received it, and whether the programme’s target audience was actually reached.

It���s really as simple as that. 

The smell can become so strong that breathing becomes a task. ���You can���t breathe well when the smell becomes strong,��� Akpan added. For traders like her, the refuse affects the atmosphere in which they work and the people who come to buy from them.

Akpan is not the only person dealing with the problem. Around Ikotun Market and the Ejigbo Road axis, residents and traders say rubbish is being left on roads, medians and in front of shops. The city���s waste problem appears to have entered its ���please, come back tomorrow��� era, except tomorrow keeps postponing itself.

What���s going on?

Lagos roads have taken on a new job. They still carry buses, motorcycles, traders and people trying to get home before traffic ruins their evening. But now, they also carry refuse that has nowhere else to go.

Residents around Ikotun Market and the Ejigbo Road axis appear to have resorted to because proper collection services are unavailable or unreliable. As the rubbish gathers, people who live, work and travel through the area are left with the smell, the mess and the consequences of a waste management system that appears to be struggling.

The rubbish does not arrive with a timetable either. A trader finishes selling food, a resident clears out the house, a shop owner sweeps the day���s dirt into a bag, and somehow everything must find a destination. When the collection service fails to show up, the roadside becomes the place where the problem is parked.

By morning, another heap has joined the previous one. Pedestrians squeeze past the rubbish, traders open their shops beside it, and the rest of the city carries on as though this is a perfectly normal way to live.

For the people who spend hours around these roads, the smell has become part of the working environment.

Not the first time

The complaints around Ikotun and its neighbouring communities did not begin this month.

On June 15, 2026, residents around Ikotun, Idimu, Ejigbo and Egbeda complained about . The complaints came after LAWMA announced that its licensed operators had across the state in May, an average of 13,200 tonnes daily.

The LAWMA figures suggest that large amounts of waste were being removed across the state. But residents in the affected communities said rubbish was still piling up in public spaces. For them, the issue was whether waste was being collected from their streets before it became another heap.

On July 5, Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) reported that LAWMA had waste that had remained for more than three weeks along the Egbeda���Ikotun Road. The clearance followed an initial documenting the rubbish left behind after the state���s environmental sanitation exercise.

The removal provided temporary relief, but it also exposed a now familiar pattern. After waste is cleared, residents resume their daily activities, and the rubbish begins to accumulate again when consistent collection arrangements fail.

When the smell costs your business

The problem is difficult for traders whose businesses depend on people stopping to buy things. A customer who approaches a stall and meets a strong smell may decide to keep moving. Rain can make the situation worse, spreading dirty water and waste across the road.

Joseph Adeyinka, a trader on Agege-Ipaja Road, said the smell from the refuse near his stall sometimes affects business. ���Some people will come, notice the smell and leave without buying anything,��� he said.

���When it rains, the whole place becomes worse because the water carries the dirt around, and we have to stand there selling in the mess.���

Adeyinka said traders have complained to the people responsible for collecting the waste, but the response has been slow. ���They will tell us they are coming, but you may wait for days. When they eventually come, they may not clear everything.���

For him, the problem also affects income. ���Some days, business is already slow, and the smell makes it worse. A customer may buy quickly and leave, or decide not to stop at all. We still pay for our shops and come here every day, so it is frustrating when the environment makes it harder to sell.���

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Who is responsible for the waste?

LAWMA is responsible for in Lagos, including collection and disposal through licensed private-sector operators. The agency says its goal is to create a cleaner, healthier and more environmentally sustainable Lagos, with an efficient waste management system built around recognised practices and customer-focused services.

It has also residents against dumping refuse on roads, medians, drains and other unauthorised locations.

The warning is understandable. Rubbish on the road can obstruct movement, attract pests, block drainage and create unpleasant conditions for people living and working nearby. But enforcement alone cannot solve a collection problem.

If the collection point is too far away, the operator does not arrive as scheduled, or residents cannot afford private waste collection, the rubbish still has to go somewhere. A ban on roadside dumping may tell people where they should not leave their waste. But it does not automatically provide a reliable place they can dump it.

There���s a problem at the dumpsite too

The waste piling up on Lagos roads is also connected to what happens after collection.

On June 21, 2026, The Punch published an into conditions at the Olusosun Landfill in Ojota, described as Lagos��� largest dumpsite. The report documented damaged internal roads, broken-down equipment, and queues of waste trucks waiting to discharge their loads. Some trucks reportedly spent days waiting, causing delays in waste evacuation across the state.

When trucks cannot discharge waste efficiently, the consequences can move down the line. Waste collection vehicles may be delayed, and rubbish can remain in neighbourhoods for longer than expected.

On Tuesday, July 28, 2026, LAWMA Managing Director Muyiwa Gbadegesin inspected the at Olusosun. The road had been repaired by Zoomlion Nigeria Limited as part of its corporate social responsibility initiative.

Gbadegesin said the repairs would for compactor trucks and reduce delays within the facility. He also clarified that Olusosun had not been shut down, despite reports or assumptions to that effect. The government was gradually winding down operations at the landfill while reclaiming additional space to support waste disposal during the transition.

The next day, Wednesday, July 29, LAWMA announced the commissioning of the . The agency said the additional space would help tackle the accumulation of refuse on Lagos roads.

Its wider plan includes , with each facility designed to process 2,500 metric tonnes of waste daily. According to the agency, the projects are part of its move towards a more integrated waste management system.

The repairs and new facilities address problems within the disposal chain. But the residents who deal with rubbish beside their homes and businesses still need to know how those improvements will affect collection on their streets.

A clean-up is not a collection system

In August, LAWMA that had reportedly remained along the Ejigbo���Idimu axis for about four months. The clearance followed a by The Punch. 

The clearance was not the end of it because on September 8, was discovered around the Dorcas and Silva Estate along the same axis. The following day, on September 9, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu declared a on waste collection in the state. 

Removing the waste was necessary. Leaving it on the roadside for months was the problem in the first place. A clean-up can remove an existing heap, but it does not necessarily prevent another one from forming. That requires regular collection, functioning equipment, accessible disposal arrangements and a clear process for residents to report missed services.

There is also a health and environmental concern. Refuse left in public spaces can attract pests, obstruct drainage and expose people to . Decomposing waste can also release gases, including methane, which is a . 

What LAWMA needs to do

LAWMA���s response to the complaints around Ikotun Market and Ejigbo Road should go beyond a general reminder against indiscriminate dumping of refuse.

The agency needs to clarify whether affected areas across the state have assigned collection operators, how frequently the operators are expected to collect waste, and whether residents have reported missed pickups. It should also explain what residents are expected to do when collection services fail and whether accessible disposal points are available.

The government has a responsibility to enforce environmental rules. Residents also need a system that makes compliance practical. Otherwise, the same cycle will continue. A collection service misses its schedule, waste accumulates, residents look for somewhere to leave it, LAWMA clears the pile after complaints, and the road eventually starts carrying rubbish again.

At Ikotun Market and every other affected area in Lagos, the problem is not that residents do not know refuse belongs in a proper disposal system. It is that the system often leaves them waiting, while the rubbish keeps piling up. LAWMA can clear the heaps, issue warnings, and announce new facilities, but residents need a collection service that works before the next pile appears. A clean Lagos cannot depend on emergency clearances every time the rubbish becomes too difficult to ignore.

Raimot (30) had always wanted to study abroad. So, when the opportunity presented itself, she jumped at it and said goodbye to Nigeria. In the midst of adjusting to a new life and settling down, she experienced a mix of the good, the bad, and the ugly.

Where do you live at the moment, and when did you leave Nigeria?

I’m currently in Italy, and I left Nigeria in October 2022.

Why did you move to Italy?

I relocated because I got a scholarship to study. 

Was that your plan all along?

Yes, when I was at university in Nigeria, I knew if I was going to get a master’s degree, it wouldn’t be in Nigeria. I had been trying to study abroad since around 2017 or 2018. Initially, Italy wasn’t even part of the plan. It was all about the US. One of my biggest priorities was securing full funding. I started applying to US universities around 2018, and in 2020, I finally got an adviser. For people in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Maths (STEM) and research fields like mine, you often need an adviser who can support or fund your research.

So what happened?

Everything seemed to be going well. The professor told me I could apply by around July, but then COVID-19 happened. After that, I stopped hearing from him.

To be honest, I still don’t know what happened to him because he used to be very responsive. I even checked his website, but there was no updated information. At some point, I just thought, Maybe we lost him. So, I moved on.

Then one day, I was scrolling online and came across the . I checked the requirements and immediately noticed that they had scholarships. By then, I’d been applying for years, so I understood the process a bit better. I looked at everything and thought, It looks like I have a better chance here. Let me shoot my shot.

The application opened in November, and I submitted mine in the first week because I was already prepared. I just had to edit a few documents.

Twenty-four hours later, I got an email saying my application had passed the first evaluation stage. I was happy, but I had been through this process before, so I knew that wasn’t the main issue. The biggest thing was funding.

What happened after you passed the evaluation stage?

The scholarship list was supposed to come out in March, so we waited and waited. I remember the day the results came out. I was at work and just praying, God, I beg. The information was that successful applicants would get an email, and the list would also be published online.

So I kept refreshing my email. Then, around noon, I saw an email pop up. I was in the cold room at work, and the moment I saw the highlight, I hadn’t even opened the email yet, I screamed. That was what changed everything for me. Honestly, that was the beginning of Italy.

What was your family’s reaction to the news? 

My family knew about the process, so they were very excited that I would be leaving because it���s something I���ve always wanted.

How did you fund your travel and living expenses in Italy as a student?

I was awarded the Padova International Excellence Scholarship, which funded my studies and living expenses in Italy at the time. 

Did anything impress you when you finally arrived in Italy?

To be fair, I don’t think I was impressed when I first arrived. I came during winter, and everything was strange. It was also my first international flight, so I was just taking everything in.

Really? So, when did your first big impression happen?

The first time I actually thought, ���Oh, wow, I think I like this place���, was when I started classes. I found out that, depending on the university, you could rewrite an exam up to three times. And not just because you failed. If you got a score you weren’t comfortable with, you could choose to rewrite the exam.

So, if the grading was over 30, maybe you got 20 and wanted 28 instead. You could reject the score and try again. I’m someone who really loves excellence in everything I do, so when I heard that, I was like, Wow. This is good. It gave me the feeling that I could pursue the level of excellence I actually wanted from my degree. 

What course did you study at Padova?

I studied Marine Biology and specialised in aquaculture production and management 

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Outside the classroom, what was your first real struggle with life in Italy?

The language barrier. Italy isn’t an English-speaking country. Though my programme was taught in English, and my professors spoke English to us, the community itself wasn’t English-speaking.

It was very difficult and frustrating to communicate. Even with a translator, it wasn’t always easy. Sometimes, someone would literally tell you, ���I’m sorry, I don’t speak English,��� in English. 

Why do you think this is?

It was obvious. They weren’t interested in communicating in English. It was either Italian or they wouldn’t speak with you at all. That was probably the biggest challenge I faced when I first arrived.

How did you navigate this challenge of language?

I am so poor at learning the language. I tried registering for an Italian class and using Duolingo, but most of the time, it’s the Google Translate app to the rescue.

Sounds like a culture shock. Were there any others you experienced?

Yes, one would be paying for nylon bags to pack their groceries. They also value family time. Italians have a particular lunchtime everywhere, both in corporate environments and local communities. By 1���2 p.m., everywhere will be closed, including pharmacies. I’ve had that experience a couple of times when I needed to buy something. I’d forget they’d be closed and already walk for minutes, or even take a bus, before I realised it. So, I had to wait until they reopened their shops.

I actually like that culture. Some people can even be inside their shops during lunchtime, but they won’t attend to anyone. Some may go home to their families for a meal and then come back to their shops.

How did you sustain yourself after graduating?

I didn’t get a job immediately after graduating. One good thing about Italy, though, is that you get a one-year post-study period to look for a job. During that period, you can legally remain in the country while figuring things out.

Another thing is that the job doesn’t necessarily have to be in your field. As long as you get a job that gives you a contract, you can use it to apply for a work permit.

At first, I was looking for research assistant roles and other opportunities in my field, but I couldn’t find any. It was challenging.

So I had to go back to the odd jobs I used to do. I worked in a supermarket, helping with stock arranging and all. I did that for months before I eventually got my current job in my field.

What do you currently do in Italy?

I work as an aquaculture technician. The job is to care for aquatic species and ensure they grow well in their habitats. 

Would that be your advice for any Nigerian abroad struggling to get a job in their field of study?

Sometimes, you have to survive first before you find the career you actually want. You can’t always insist that it has to be your field. Bills have to be paid. You have to eat. You have to be okay.

Who or what helped you survive emotionally during that period of job scarcity?

One thing I always say is that going abroad isn’t a journey you should do alone. You need good people around you. You need people with similar interests and people you can confide in.

I have colleagues here who have become more than colleagues. We share opportunities and support each other. And back home, I have a very strong community of friends. Honestly, my friends can lay down their lives for me.

So during that period when I was trying to transition into the career I actually wanted, that’s how I survived. Financially, I took the jobs that were available. Emotionally, I had support both in Italy and back home.

Was there anything about the Italian system that made you think, ���Ah, Nigeria could actually emulate this���?

For me, it was the willingness of professors to help students. I’m not saying every professor is perfect. I don’t expect everyone to like me, just as I don’t like everybody. But I believe that if you’re in a room of 100 people and 80 of them are willing to help you, you focus on the 80.

In my experience, most of my professors were willing and ready to help, especially if you showed up, participated in class and made an effort. You didn’t always have to know somebody or pay somebody before you could get support.

What’s one experience that gave you this impression?

One of the best examples was when I was looking for an internship. I’d planned most of my journey from the beginning, and I knew I didn’t want to do my internship in Italy. I wanted to explore another part of Europe.

I was applying through LinkedIn and other platforms, but nothing was working. It was always, ���Unfortunately������. Then one day, I decided to speak to one of my professors. I liked his course and participated actively in his classes, so I felt comfortable approaching him.

I told him I wanted to do my internship outside Italy. He started mentioning Spain and Portugal, but I said, ���Professor, I love Europe, but maybe Germany, Canada or the Netherlands?��� I wanted to explore places with stronger economies. He said he’d look into it. 

What then happened?

Two or three days later, he sent me an email saying one of his colleagues had reached out because they needed an intern in Germany. He asked if I was interested.

I was like, ���Ah! I love Germany!��� He simply forwarded me the person’s email and asked me to send my CV and application. There wasn’t even a formal application process like that. They needed someone, reached out through their network and found someone through a recommendation. That’s how I got my internship in Germany.

And that taught me something important about the European job market. Sometimes, your grades and skills aren’t enough. Recommendations and relationships can open doors, too.

That’s why I always advise people not to just go to class, say hello, and go home. Build genuine relationships because those relationships can help you long after you finish studying.

When life gets overwhelming, what do you do to unwind?

I love videos and pictures. If I’m overwhelmed, I make myself happy by dressing up, visiting places, taking pictures and making videos. The memories make me happy.

Hmm, sounds nice. Italy is popular for romance. Any gist for the timeline?

No gist oo. I  got married two months before my relocation. So, there’s no space for any relationship that is strictly not business or just a casual friendship.

Nigerians abroad usually say they encounter racism. Can we say you’re an exception?

No, I’ve actually experienced racism a couple of times, actually.

Could you share one?

The first one I can’t forget happened with a bus driver. I had an exam that morning, and my school was about an hour away, so I had to leave early.

It was winter. I got to the bus station and waited for the bus. I was the only person at the bus stop at the time. When the bus came, I waved it down. But instead of stopping, the driver just drove past me.

I cried that day. And it wasn’t because I was going to miss an exam. It was because the driver didn’t see me as important enough to drive me. Another bus came about 30 minutes later, and I got on it. Thankfully, I’m a ���what if ��� person, and that’s why I left my house very early. Otherwise, I’d have missed that exam.

How did that make you feel?

What hurt was that I’d already been standing outside in the cold for about 45 minutes. I had my jacket and gloves on, but I was already freezing. Then the bus finally came, and the driver just left me there.

I stood there crying and asking myself, What is the meaning of this? To me, there was only one reason he did it: I was Black and the only person at the bus stop. That experience has stayed with me since. There’s another one that was as heavy as that.

That’s a lot. And you said there was another experience?

Yes. This one happened in an academic setting, and I feel like people don’t talk about this type of racism enough. There was a professor whose course was closely related to an area I was very interested in. I actively participated in her classes, and at one point I thought she could be a good supervisor for my project.

So I reached out to her by email, which is the normal process. But she wouldn’t respond. Even if she replied today, the next reply could come weeks later. I kept wondering what was happening.

Then I was talking to another international student who mentioned that they had found a supervisor. I asked who it was, and when they mentioned the same professor, I realised they had sent an email just the day before, and she had already responded positively.

I’d sent my own email weeks earlier. I thought, ���Okay, maybe she didn’t see it���. So I sent a follow-up to my last email, but she didn’t respond. I sent another one, still no response. I sent the third one. I didn’t get any response. That was when I stopped reaching out. But I thought she could have just said no. Meanwhile, I used to notice a certain attitude with her during classes. I was pained because she could have just responded.

Sorry about that. So, how do you navigate dealing with racist people and places that may not be too comfortable for you?

Racism is everywhere. I just focus on the good ones. There are days their actions make me question why I am there but then, some of them have been so nice and kind to me when they don���t have to.

Is there any plan to come back to Nigeria?

Yes. I’ve lived here for a while, but I’m not an abroad person. I’m a proper Yoruba. I like going out and parties. Sometimes, I feel like life is short here. If you don’t make time for fun stuff, you’ll realise you’re just working and working.

It might sound strange to people, but I might come back after weighing my long-term options. However, I have to be strategic about it.

What’s one thing you’d want any Nigerians thinking of coming to Italy to know?

Bureaucracy is very real here. Many things take a long time. And to find good jobs in Italy and progress in any career, you cannot joke with the language. You must learn Italian. Otherwise, you may not get a job at all, or you may end up with a job you can’t survive on.

How would you rate your experience in Italy on a scale of one to ten?

I’d say 7.5. Italy is treating me well to a large extent. So, I give them their flowers. 

If his political career still doesn���t ring a bell, during the #EndSARS protests in 2020, he was also accused of tagging Nigerians using social media as ���,” It was during this time that he pushed for the censorship of social media. An allegation he .油

And if this still doesn’t ring a bell, then there is another chance to catch up because the new gist is that brother Elliot has found himself in the news for another dramatic reason.

On Sunday, September 14, 2026, Desmond Elliot was filmed before Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff to President Bola Tinubu, and apologising for his remarks during the of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state. This may be a sign that personal loyalty has become entangled with political survival in Nigeria.

• Elliot on his knees/ Photo: Vanguard

What happened?

Elliot apologised to Gbajabiamila over the disagreement that followed the recent APC primary for Surulere Constituency I. He said he was sorry, had no excuse for his actions, and hoped he would be ���cultured��� in the future. He also appealed for forgiveness and reintegration into the Lagos APC political structure.油

The incident followed a dispute over the APC primary, which saw Elliot the party’s ticket to Barakat Odunuga-Bakare. Elliot had initially the process before eventually accepting the outcome and apologising to Gbajabiamila.

Before then, he had also come out to some powerful elements in the party were intimidating his supporters ahead of the primaries, while the same powerful deciders had withdrawn his security team. 

There is nothing wrong with apologising after a political disagreement. Politicians, like everyone else, can make mistakes, offend people and attempt to repair relationships. What’s concerning is that such an attempt shows how access to power is often tied to obedience to powerful individuals.

When political relationships equal political ownership

This Elliot issue and a few others suggest that in Nigeria, politicians can spend years building political careers around the support of a godfather, party leader, or influential political family. Once that relationship becomes strained, their position in politics can become weak, regardless of how many citizens voted for them.

That culture has been around for decades, and Lagos has provided some of its clearest examples.

Akinwunmi Ambode became Lagos governor in 2015 after he was anointed as the by Tinubu. By 2018, however, his relationship with influential figures within the Lagos APC structure had . He eventually lost the party’s governorship primary to Babajide Sanwo-Olu, ending his attempt to secure a second term.

The episode became one of the country’s most prominent examples of the influence political godfathers can have over the careers of elected officials.

Academic research on Nigerian godfatherism has also identified the Ambode-Tinubu relationship as a notable case of how powerful political actors can influence who gets a party ticket and who does not.

The same pattern appeared in Edo State. Godwin Obaseki became governor of Edo State in 2016 with the of Adam’s Oshiomhole, his predecessor and a major figure in Edo politics and the APC.

Their relationship later . By 2020, Obaseki was fighting to secure the APC’s ticket for a second term while Oshiomhole was the party’s national chairman. Obaseki was eventually from the APC primary process over issues relating to his credentials. He left the party, the PDP, and went on to win the governorship election against the APC candidate, Osagie Ize-Iyamu.

There is an interesting irony in all of this. Nigerian politicians themselves understand how damaging this culture can become.

On May 31 2025, Senate President Godswill Akpabio governors not to choose successors simply because those politicians were submissive to them. He specifically warned against selecting people who ���kneel��� before them, arguing that governors should instead look for people with the capacity and vision to govern.

That warning gets to the heart of the problem because a politician who is selected primarily because they are obedient to the person who selected them may eventually have difficulty separating personal loyalty from public responsibility. 

The people lose when politicians cannot stand independently

Political slavery might look like an internal party matter when it happens between politicians, but its consequences eventually reach ordinary Nigerians.

When politicians spend considerable energy maintaining relationships with godfathers and political patrons, public office can become less about delivering on a mandate and more about preserving political relevance. A lawmaker may hesitate to oppose a powerful party figure. A governor may avoid confronting an influential political ally. A prospective candidate may accept a weak party primary because challenging the process could mean losing access to the political structure that determines their future. See the case of our brother, Elliot. 

All of these instances create a strange situation in which voters elect politicians, but powerful individuals sitting in one corner of their room can determine whether those elected politicians are allowed to continue.

It also affects the quality of people who enter politics. If obedience is rewarded more consistently than more useful qualities, politicians who are good at building relationships with powerful figures may have an advantage over people who are better equipped to govern but unwilling to become political slaves.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Political mentorship versus political independence

Before you say the criticism of political godfatherism can easily become a criticism of political relationships themselves, there’s an explanation for that. 

Politicians need mentors who can advise them, support their campaign, and help them navigate political institutions. Younger politicians can also legitimately show respect to older politicians who have helped them. None of that is the problem.

The problem exists when a politician’s relationship with a powerful mentor becomes so important that they cannot act independently without risking their political existence.

A quick look at what happened in Osun recently. Soon after the governorship election, which got Ademola Adeleke from the Accord Party a second term in the government house, he travelled to Abuja to his certificate of return to President Tinubu of the APC.油

The Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike, in his usual manner, came out to say he was the one who Adeleke to pay a thank-you visit to the president. 

This was after the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, congratulated Adeleke on his re-election and said ���.��� We wonder what the agreement was that made the APC and Osun State Accord Party align to that extent. 

Where do we go from here?

Desmond Elliot’s decision to apologise to Gbajabiamila may ultimately be a personal and political matter between two people who have known each other for years.

Elliot is entitled to decide how he wants to manage that relationship, and an apology does not automatically mean that he has done something wrong by showing respect to a senior politician.

But the reaction to the video is valid because Nigerians have watched this style of politics play out repeatedly. Political careers are now built around powerful patrons. And politicians who fall out with those godfathers can quickly learn just how impossible it is to survive when thrown underwater in Nigerian politics.

Nigeria’s democracy needs political parties with stronger internal institutions, candidates who can build genuine relationships with voters, and elected officials who understand that their first responsibility is to the people they represent.

While political loyalty and personal relationships will always matter, neither should become a substitute for democratic institutions.

Until that changes, Nigeria will continue producing politicians who know how to navigate powerful people but struggle to build people-centred administrations strong enough to outlive them. And that wouldn’t help Nigerians, would it?

Finding a house is supposed to be straightforward: decide what you want, find an agent who can help you find it, and pay for it. Unfortunately, house-hunting can sometimes feel like a test of patience, finances, and blood pressure. We asked Nigerians to share some of their house-hunting experiences, and their stories expose a huge regulatory gap in 鰻庄乙艶姻庄温���s housing and real estate sector, and the urgent need to fill it.

Promise, 26 (F), Benin

I had just finished NYSC in 2025 and wanted to move out of my parents��� house, so I started looking for a self-contained apartment with specific features. I could message about 10 agents in a day and still get no response. When they eventually replied, the houses they showed me were not even close to what I asked for.

Some would insist they had exactly what I wanted and invite me for inspections, only for me to get there and wonder if we’d been discussing the same house. After paying inspection fees to several agents for houses I wasn’t interested in, I had spent almost ���60,000.

Tobi*, 29 (F), Lagos

I started house hunting earlier this year and spent months at it. I paid inspection fees to at least 15 agents, between ���10,000 and ���20,000 each, only to be taken to houses that looked nothing like what I wanted. Sometimes, the agents didn’t even know the locations, and I’d still have to pay for their transport. Now I’m technically homeless despite paying for a house in May because the agent and developer handed me a structurally defective apartment where water pours through the walls and mould covers everything. I packed out in July, and instead of refunding me, everyone has become shady. At this point, I just want to buy my own house. 

Oladayo*, 28 (M), Oyo State 

I was relocating from Ogun State to Oyo State around June 2026, and paid an agent ���400,000 as a commitment fee for a ���1.2 million apartment. The agent later told me someone else had taken the house and kept promising to refund me. When I eventually visited the apartment, I found someone else living there and discovered from the landlord that the agent had never even remitted my ���400k. For three months, the agent kept asking for my account details and promising to pay, but nothing happened. I eventually had to borrow money to rent another apartment, and he still hasn’t returned my money.

Fiyin, 26 (F), Abuja

I would explain exactly what I wanted to several agents, but they preferred to just collect inspection fees. On one occasion, I paid an agent and waited at our meeting point for more than four hours while he kept saying he was almost there. The rain beat me that day. I called him several times when I got back home, but he wasn’t answering my calls. The next day, he called and asked me to come for another inspection, claiming he had a better deal. I still went, and he showed me an apartment that I’m sure even he couldn’t choose to live in. When I asked for my money back, he said I either had to continue with the inspection or leave without a refund. He eventually walked away and left me there.

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Joseph*, 29 (M), Lagos

Houses in Lagos are ridiculously small. I once inspected a two-bedroom apartment that cost ���2.2 million, and one of the rooms didn’t even have a window. The agent also kept taking us from one place to another without knowing where the keys were, so we’d sometimes wait for one or two hours before we could even enter a house. Most of the places were terrible, and even the roads leading to them were awful. The one week I spent doing house inspections was one of my worst weeks this year.

Olalekan, 31 (M), Oyo State 

I paid an agent an inspection fee. On the day of the inspection, he called another agent to show me around. The second agent had already shown me the same apartments, and I had already rejected them. When I asked for my money back, the new agent told me I either follow him to see the same houses again or forget about my money. That was when I decided I was done with agents. I started spending my weekends walking around the areas where I wanted to live, looking for available apartments myself and speaking directly with landlords.

Abdullah, 36 (M), Kogi

In 2025, our landlord sold the house a few weeks after I renewed my rent, and the new landlord gave us short notice to move out. I had to search for another place while also chasing the former landlord for my money. Most of the houses I found were either too expensive or came with additional charges, with some agents demanding fees and commissions that were almost half the annual rent. I kept paying inspection and transport fees without getting an apartment, and eventually, the pressure forced me to co-rent with a friend. What made everything worse was that the former landlord didn’t refund my money promptly, even though I hadn’t planned to move in the first place.

For many businesses, issuing an invoice has always been straightforward: sell your product or service, prepare the invoice, and send it to the customer. Under Nigeria’s , however, businesses may now have to send that invoice through a government-controlled digital system for validation.

What’s going on?

In August 2025, the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) its ���e-invoices��� system in stages to enhance the efficiency of the country’s tax administration. The agency said this aligns with the digital transformation goals outlined in Nigeria’s Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020���2030).

On February 17, 2025, it announced that it had started monitoring to ensure that large companies with annual turnover of ���5 billion or more with the electronic invoicing initiative. 

• NRS Chairman Zacch Adedeji/Photo: The Guardian

The NRS is rolling out the e-invoicing system in . Large taxpayers with annual turnover above ���5 billion were the first group, while medium taxpayers earning between ���1 billion and ���5 billion annually were scheduled to go live from July 1, 2026. Emerging taxpayers with annual turnover below ���1 billion are expected to begin from July 1, 2027.

Before you say, ���Na Nigeria we dey, we go see how e go be,��� there is a reason businesses may want to pay attention. Under this initiative, failing to process a taxable supply through the fiscalisation system can a ���200,000 penalty, plus additional financial consequences.

According to the NRS, the system is designed to make tax compliance more transparent by allowing invoices to be generated, transmitted, and validated electronically. Validated can also carry unique identifiers, QR codes and other digital features that make transactions easier to track.

On paper, it sounds like Nigeria is finally dragging into the digital age. In practice, though, we are about to find out whether a system that depends heavily on technology can survive in a country where the internet sometimes disappears during important transactions, and electricity can take an unscheduled holiday.

First, businesses must register��to access e-invoicing

Before businesses can begin sending invoices through the platform, they must be and with the NRS Merchant-Buyer Solution (MBS).

Depending on how a business currently operates, this could involve registration, software integration, and technical support. Larger companies with existing accounting systems may be able to connect those systems to the e-invoicing platform easily, while smaller businesses may have to make a more significant transition.

This means that for a small business owner, doing the work of an accountant, receptionist, social media manager, and CEO, the experience will be a lot more stressful.

There could also be a problem for businesses that still rely on manual records, notebooks, or basic spreadsheets to track sales.

Nigeria may be moving towards digital tax compliance, but not every business has arrived at the digital bus stop yet.

Problem number 2 

The e-invoicing system is built around digital transmission and validation. That means the internet is a major player. And Nigerians know how unreliable that can be. 

Imagine completing a transaction with a customer and trying to generate an invoice, only for the network to begin its famous disappearing act. If this happens at that point, the business owner may have to start praying.

Nigeria’s connectivity are not new. Poor service quality, unreliable connections, and infrastructure gaps have continued to affect businesses and individuals across the country. A system that depends on real-time digital processes will therefore have to deal with the reality that the internet is not always real-time in Nigeria.

Going digital costs money

Technology is rarely free, and is no exception. Some businesses may have to pay for software, system integration, technical support, and staff training before they can fully comply with e-invoicing requirements.

That might not shake a large company with an IT department and a healthy budget. But for smaller businesses, every additional compliance cost can feel like another person joining the queue to collect money.

Many businesses are already with rent, salaries, fuel, electricity, and multiple operating expenses. Adding the cost of new digital systems could make the transition more difficult, especially for businesses operating on thin budgets.

The long-term benefits may eventually outweigh the costs. But during the transition, some businesses may find themselves spending money simply to get ready to send an invoice.

National grid anthem

A lot of businesses rely on electricity, whether from the government, their own generators, or solar. The interesting part of a digital invoicing system is that it requires phones, computers, internet routers, and business software to work when they are needed. 

Many Nigerian businesses, unfortunately, still spend a significant amount of money generating their own electricity whenever the decides to excuse itself.

The point is not that Nigeria should avoid digital systems because they are imperfect. If the country waited for everything to work perfectly before modernising, we might all still be sending tax records through pigeons.

But experts the reality of how businesses operate has to be built into the system.

Not the first country to try it 

Nigeria is not the first country to make businesses report transactions electronically. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) several countries using systems that require businesses to transmit transaction data to tax authorities, including Chile, Colombia, Italy, Mexico and South Korea.

The difference is in when the government gets involved. Some systems validate an invoice before or as it is issued, while others allow information to be transmitted later or periodically.

Mexico and Italy, for example, use of a real-time clearance model, where invoices are validated around the time they are issued. Meanwhile, other countries use less immediate reporting arrangements. The OECD notes that electronic reporting can range from real-time transmission to periodic reporting or providing records only when tax authorities request them. 

Nigeria’s system does not necessarily have to choose between being completely real-time or returning to paper invoices and notebooks. The NRS itself already provides for different submission methods, including portal-based and API-based . But whatever model Nigeria settles into has to account for the small business owner whose internet has chosen violence and whose generator is currently drinking the day’s profit. 

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Can it handle so much data?

The e-invoicing system will not only collect tax figures. The NRS its platform processes and stores electronic invoices and compliance data, while its system can collect information relating to businesses and invoice validation. That means the government will be sitting on a significant amount of commercial and transactional information. 

The NRS the information is used to operate the platform, validate and store invoices, comply with tax and regulatory obligations, and address security and fraud risks. Its privacy policy also says information may be shared with authorised government agencies, regulators and service providers where necessary, while data is protected through measures including encrypted transmission. 

That is a good starting point, but businesses will still want to know exactly where the line is drawn. If Nigeria wants to watch every invoice passing through the system, taxpayers need strong safeguards to ensure their commercial information does not suddenly develop a life outside tax administration.

What happens when technology fails?

The government can reasonably expect businesses to comply with tax rules. But there is a difference between refusing to comply and being unable to comply because a system, network, or technical platform has failed.

A system designed to improve tax compliance cannot become another source of compliance wahala. Nigeria needs digital tax compliance, and businesses want a system that doesn’t fail.

Nigeria’s e-invoicing push could make tax collection more transparent and make it harder for transactions to disappear into the legendary Nigerian folder labelled, ���We don’t have the records.���

What this project cannot afford is to operate on technology that is unreliable, open to cyberattacks, or prone to misbehaving and mismanaging user data. 

Where are we?

The NRS has already given businesses a taste of how demanding the transition could be. Large taxpayers were initially expected to fully comply with the e-invoicing regime by June 30, 2026, but the deadline was later to July 31 due to concerns about the time and complexity of onboarding and integrating existing accounting and enterprise systems with the NRS MBS. 

The extension came as many businesses were still racing to get their systems ready. For a system built around deadlines and compliance, the rollout itself has already shown that getting ready takes time. Everyone, including the NRS, is still adjusting to the new system, and that’s okay.油

What should you expect?

The rollout will depend on whether the government can make the system easy enough for businesses to actually use. Onboarding has to work. Technical support has to be available. Smaller businesses need enough time and support to adapt. And businesses should not find themselves facing penalties because the network decided to have a bad day.

Because if a business owner has to fight their accountant, internet provider, electricity company, software developer, and government portal before successfully issuing one invoice, then Nigeria may have digitised tax compliance without necessarily making it easier.

And knowing us, that would be a very Nigerian achievement.